In the 1970s, William F. Hale, also known as Miami Chief Mon-Gon-Zah, attended many of the historical pageants and parades held in Muncie, Indiana (he is the gentleman pictured above). Hale had been chosen as chief of the Miamis in 1961 at an election held in Marion, Indiana. Hale’s tenure as chief marked a period in Miami history when three separate individuals claimed to be chiefs of the Indiana Miamis. I don’t want to pass judgment about William Hale’s claims as chief or his ancestral ties to the Miami community. Instead, I’d like to better understand his role in validating the fictional narrative of Chief Munsee and the local stories that the Muncie community told itself about its indigenous past. In most of the communities that I've studied, whites have erected fantastical fictions about their region's indigenous past. In almost all of these cases, they've done so alone. It seems, however, that William Hale actively participated in the construction of Muncie's local history.
Chief Mon-Gon-Zah provided the white Muncie community with an “authentic Indian voice” as they composed local pageants, participated in parades, and rewrote their history. Even in the community’s veneration of the “Appeal to the Great Spirit,” Hale was not a passive bystander. In fact, he directly participated in consecrating the statue as THE symbol of the community by serving on a committee that chose the image as the centerpiece of the municipal flag. As I’ve dug deeper into William Hale’s life and his participation in these events, things get even more complicated. In the 1960s and 1970s Hale attended many, if not most, of the historical celebrations held in Muncie, despite not being from the city (he lived in nearby Eaton—half-way between Muncie and Montpelier). At those events, he set up an “Indian village” where he displayed Indian objects and told stories to anyone who would listen. The “village” consisted of a large teepee marked with his name, Mon Gon Zah, on the door flap (the image above is taken of his village at one of these events).
Hale also befriended academics at Ball State University (along with local radio and television personality Chris Schenkel) and “adopted” them into the Miami tribe—giving them Miami names and honorary titles. Ball State Professors Frances Fox Miller (English) and Althea Stoekel (after whom the university archives are named) used their association with Hale to advance their own narratives about local history. They also served with him on the flag commission and many of the historical pageant committees. Miller even penned a romanticized play about "Indian Jim" and "Indian Sallie" that was performed across Indiana. All of these individuals became instrumental in shaping local knowledge about Muncie’s indigenous past and the veneration of Dallin’s “Appeal to the Great Spirit." They did so as "Indian experts." So what to think about this process? How should William Hale be viewed in his role of crafting local stories and images? What was his motivation?
It’s clear that William Hale was interested in preserving local indigenous history, but it’s less clear about what he thought that history comprised. How can I explain his use of plains-
Well, this explains the first half of today’s blog title, but not the second. As I’ve written before, I find that serendipity guides my research as much as anything else. I've become pretty adept at gaming the system when it comes to securing hotels for research--move over William Shatner, there's a new Priceline negotiator in town. Part of my success involves weekend stays at the homes of friends and relatives (when rates go up and libraries are closed). After conducting research in Muncie on Dallin's "Appeal to the Great Spirit," I drove from Indiana to Ohio and spent a few nights at my parents' house. Over beers and a ballgame, I described to my father what I had found. "Yeah, I think I've seen that statue," he said.
"When have you been to Muncie?" I replied.
"I'm not sure it was Muncie. I was at an auction a few years ago and remember seeing a big Indian statue, but I don't think it was that far," he responded. "You have a map?"
My father is a salt-of-the-earth farmer and factory worker with a high school education. I was surprised at first with his interest in my project--since he normally could care less about my scholarly pursuits--but something told me he wasn't going to stop until he figured out where he had seen a "giant statue of an Indian."
It soon became clear that we were talking about different statues.
"It takes up a city block and is, oh, about twenty-five feet tall, right?"
"Not even close," I responded.
Eventually our map quest led us to Montpelier, Indiana. After opening the wikipedia page, I was stunned at both the image and the description. My father was right. In the center of town, occupying an entire city block, resides a twenty-five foot tall statue of a Native American warrior, arm raised to the sky.
The description provided by Wikipedia declares that the statue is of former Miami chief Francis Godfroy; a historical marker signifying the former site of the Godfroy Reserve rests directly in front of the behemoth fiberglass monstrosity (the marker was erected by the Francois Godfroy chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution). Holy Cow!! My side adventure in Muncie, which had very little to do with the person I went there to study (Francis Godfroy) had led me to. . . .Francis Godfroy.
Like Muncie, the community in Montpelier, Indiana, has come to adopt the statue as their own--developing a localized history and incorporating it into their city webpage. I'm not sure what to make of Montpelier's story just yet, although I may be able write an entire book on local imagery of Native Americans in Indiana before this is all finished. Something is at work is this state, where a remarkable number of local communities remake their indigenous history and replace it with fictionalized foundation narratives with ahistorical statues as illustrations.